Boeing Donates Money To Allen University In The Name Of Rev. Clementa Pinckney

Boeing-787-Dreamliner

 

Boeing announced Monday it was investing $100,000 into Allen University’s Chappelle Auditorium for renovations. The money was donated in memory of state Sen. Rev. Clementa Pinckney, who was killed during the Emanuel AME mass shooting.

“As our business has grown in South Carolina, it is only natural that our relationship with Allen University, a university of such historic importance to the state of South Carolina, would grow as well,” said Boeing Commercial Airplanes CEO Ray Conner.

“One of the strongest advocates for restoring Chappelle Auditorium was the late Rev. Pinckney. With this grant we look forward to seeing his vision through to completion as Chappelle Auditorium is fully restored to its former state of glory.”

The Chappelle Auditorium is one of 20 historically black college structures marked for preservation by the U.S. Department of the Interior and has hosted a number of notable leaders and artists since its construction in 1925.

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5 Major Supreme Court Split Decisions That Could Be Reversed By Scalia’s Death

scalia

by Nathan Wellman February 14, 2016

 

Well before Supreme Court Justice Scalia’s family has even given him a proper burial, Mitch McConnell has already pledged that the Senate majority will block any Obama nomination, so liberals are pessimistic about the chances for a progressive judge being appointed before the next election.

Historian Angus Johnston looked at past examples to confirm that such a delay would be beyond unprecedented:

Even if Republicans are willing to leave one of our branches of government understaffed for almost an entire year, the fact remains that this is the first time since the Nixon administration that liberals have had a chance to outnumber conservatives on the Supreme Court.

Here are five of the most terrible decisions that went through the Court in the last decade with a 5-4 split vote, meaning they could now be overturned:

Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 2010— Possibly one of the craziest rulings to ever be passed down, this infamous ruling declared that “corporations are people,” so therefore they can donate as much as they want to political campaigns. The argument put forward stated that  because money equals speech, these contributions are protected under the First Amendment.

Scalia defended his decision by saying “The (First) Amendment is written in terms of ‘speech,’ not speakers… We should celebrate rather than condemn the addition of this speech to the public debate.”

Even President Obama publicly condemned the decision, calling it “a major victory…for powerful interests that marshal their power every day in Washington to drown out the voices of everyday Americans.”

Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, 2014 – Because of the above Citizens United ruling, the Court attacked an actual, flesh-and-blood woman’s reproductive rights to protect a corporation’s religious rights.

Part of the Affordable Care Act (commonly called Obamacare) mandated that family-owned corporations must provide contraceptives coverage to their employees. But because Citizens United stated that “corporations are people,” the Court declared that Hobby Lobby’s religious views were being attacked, since the corporation is “run with Christian values in mind.”

“The court’s expansive notion of corporate personhood invites for-profit entities to seek religious-based exemptions from regulations they deem offensive to their faiths,” wrote dissenting Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg.

Shelby County v. Holder, 2013— This decision could have given the federal government further power to keep states in check if they had a history of voting discrimination. There was nearly unanimous support in Congress for prior voting rights amendments, which instead of helping its case actually made Scalia say, “There must be something wrong there,” and so he voted against it.

Wal-Mart v. Dukes, 2011 – While not one of the more famous cases, it’s definitely the most bewildering. A slap in the face of 1.5 million Wal-Mart employees, this decision said that a female Wal-Mart employee “could not file a class action suit alleging gender discrimination” for herself and the rest of her colleagues.

Scalia wrote that “We disapprove that novel project.”

Amnesty v. Clapper, 2013— This could have finally put a stop to the NSA’s unlimited power to collect our phone calls and emails without a warrant. Instead they upheld it, and we continue to be monitored to this day.

Republicans are terrified now that Obama has the power to undo all this damage, and they are scrambling to stop him.

“It would be unprecedented in recent history for the Supreme Court to go a year with a vacant seat,” Harry Reid said today. “Failing to fill this vacancy would be a shameful abdication of one of the Senate’s most essential Constitutional responsibilities.”

 

 

Why does South Carolina Remain one of the Four States Without Equal Pay Laws ?

 

paycheck fairness act

 

SC’s female workers are paid less than men

13 percent of SC legislators are women

Black Women Remain Underrepresented in All Levels of Politics

black-women-map

 

But particularly in statewide executive office positions, which just 10 black women in nine states have ever held, according to a new report.
by | November 30, 2015

Black women have made strides in winning elected office over the past two decades, but they still remain underrepresented in state and local politics — particularly for statewide executive offices, according to a new report.

Just 10 black women in nine states have ever held an elected executive office position and all but one former Wisconsin Secretary of State Vel Phillips took office after 1992. They’ve served as secretaries of state, attorneys general, state treasurers and lieutenant governors — but no black woman has ever been elected governor (and few have even run). According to the report from Rutgers University’s Center for American Women and Politics and the Higher Heights Leadership Fund, that’s likely because of the “dearth of black women in lower statewide office.” Two-thirds of all female governors have previously held statewide office.

Black women make up 7 percent of the U.S. population but just 3 percent of Congress, less than 1 percent of statewide elected executive officials, less than 4 percent of state legislatures, and 2 percent of mayors. In the nation’s 100 biggest cities, only four — Baltimore, San Antonio, Toledo, Ohio; and Washington, D.C. — have a black female mayor.

At the state legislative level, Georgia and Maryland rank first and second for having the highest proportions of black women in their legislatures. Black women make up about 17 percent of their state populations and 12 percent and 11 percent of their legislatures, respectively. In New York, the 2014 and 2015 elections made the legislature much more representative of black women who nearly doubled their numbers from 10 to 19 in office.

States in the South fare the worst when it comes to legislative representation for black women. In Mississippi, black women make up 9 percent of the state legislature but 20 percent of the population; in Louisiana, they make up 6 percent of the legislature but 17 percent of the population.

The numbers have improved slightly since before the 2014 election when black women gained representation in Congress and cities, and may improve more because four women announced they’re running for statewide executive offices — two of them in Missouri, which has never elected a black woman statewide.

But the issue isn’t just about numbers.

Research has shown that black women’s voices are the most likely to be overlooked in policymaking, according to Rutgers University’s Kelly Dittmar, the report’s author. Increasing black women’s representation, she said, is essential to “promoting policy priorities, perspectives and solutions that may be lost.”

In her recent book Sisters in the Statehouse, Nadia Brown chronicles black women’s influence in the Maryland legislature on issues like domestic violence, marriage equality and elder care. She notes that because black women are more likely than white women to be victims of domestic violence, it increases the chance that black female lawmakers will have personally experienced or witnessed abuse. That experience has a direct impact on their interpretation and approach to legislation, Brown said. “These voices are necessary within a deliberative body because they help convince their legislative colleagues to prioritize the concerns of domestic violence victims,” she concluded.

In Baltimore, District Attorney Marilyn Mosby (who is among the 1 percent of all elected prosecutors who are women of color) told protesters outraged over the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died while in police custody, that she heard their calls for “no justice, no peace.” Mosby acted faster than any other lead prosecutor in recent police brutality cases and swiftly filed charges against the six police officers involved in Gray’s arrest.

Outside of political institutions, the Black Lives Matter movement began with three black women in 2012 as a response to the fatal shooting of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed black teenager in Florida. The movement has since illuminated issues of police brutality in the black community.

Clinton Surrogates are Banking On the Gun Issue to Win Over Black Voters

hilary

 Wed Feb. 10, 2016 6:06 PM EST

After her sound defeat in New Hampshire on Tuesday night, former secretary of state Hillary Clinton is looking ahead to the primary in South Carolina, where she hopes her record and rhetoric on gun control will impress black voters and propel her to victory over Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

In a conference call Wednesday, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) joined Hazel Dukes—the former NAACP president and current president of the civil rights group’s New York State Conference—and South Carolina state minority leader J. Todd Rutherford to promote Clinton and to cite the inexperience of her rival. The three criticized Sanders as a newcomer to issues important to black voters, and condemned what they called his inferior record on gun control and criminal justice reform.

“I’ve watched Bernie Sanders on the campaign trail and seen how he only really started talking about issues concerning African Americans in the past 40 days,” Rutherford said. “Secretary Clinton has talked about these same issues, and advocated for us, for the last 40 years.”

Hillary Rodham Clinton, Karen Johnson
Clinton’s black supporters argued that she, unlike Sanders—who represents a mostly white state—has always been a visible presence in the black community.

They also slammed Sanders for only recently moving over to the Democratic party, for voting in favor of the infamous 1994 Violent Crimes Bill, and for voting for an amendment that Jeffries claimed would have allowed Charleston shooter Dylann Roof to obtain a handgun before the completion of a background check.

“We know that Hillary Clinton has consistently stood up against the gun lobby, and spoken out against the epidemic of gun violence in the African American community and beyond. The record of Bernie Sanders is very different,” Jeffries said. “He’s twice voted to shield gun manufacturers, who I often refer to as ‘merchants of death;’ he voted to overturn a ban on guns on Amtrak trains; he voted to make it harder to crack down on gun dealers who break the law; he even voted for an amendment that would have allowed, or which allowed, of course, the Charleston shooter to get a gun before his background check is completed.” If you compare Clinton and Sanders on the issue of gun violence and how it affects the black community, Jeffries added, “it’s not even a close call.”

Jeffries, Rutherford, and Dukes answered reporters’ questions about Clinton’s own,arguably dubious, track record on issues that affect black communities—including her “superpredator” comments—with praise of her political experience and her platform for economic justice. But the overarching theme of the call was that Clinton, unlike Sanders—who represents a predominantly white state—has always been a visible presence in the black community.

“It’s good to have new friends, but I would rather have true friends,” Jeffries said.

 

State Rep Pushing for Higher SC Minimum Wage

minimum wage

By           Updated: February 10, 2016, 6:00 pm

COLUMBIA, S.C. – A state representative is fighting to raise the South Carolina’s minimum wage to $10.10/hour, and on Wednesday, she brought it to the Labor Commerce Committee at the Statehouse.

Rachel Nelson is a first-hand example why Rep. Gilda Cobb-Hunter created a bill to raise minimum wage. Nelson is a single mother from Charleston making $9/hour at Hardees, but she explains it’s not enough.

“As a single mom of three children, it is hard for me to provide for them just basic necessities,” she said. “I struggle each and every day.”

Nelson is calling state representatives to raise SC’s minimum wage, and pass Rep. Cobb-Hunter’s bill.

If passed, the bill will raise the state’s minimum wage nearly $3/hour from the current $7.25.

Nelson said, “This bill would be so wonderful for us, because it would be a stepping stone for us.”

“Let’s show families that we honor and respect them, by paying them a decent wage,” Cobb-Hunter said.

Several representatives are apprehensive to the idea of raising the minimum wage above the federal minimum. 29 states are currently above federal minimum.

Cobb-Hunter said, “There are a lot of people in the business community who are opposed to it because they think it will increase cost.”

She believes it won’t increase cost because if minimum wage is raised, taxpayers won’t have to pay for the social consequences on the back end of the issue. So she prefers to see that money go toward higher wages for people like Nelson to support their families.

“I may not have gone to college,” Nelson said, “But I feel this is what I deserve.”

 

gilda 8

Folks Representative Cobb Hunter prefiled H. 4400 during the 2014-2015 Legislative Session

 

H. 4400

STATUS INFORMATION

General Bill
Sponsors: Reps. Cobb-Hunter, M.S. McLeod, Dillard, R.L. Brown and Whipper
Document Path: l:\council\bills\agm\18055dg14.docx

Introduced in the House on January 14, 2014
Currently residing in the House Committee on Labor, Commerce and Industry

Summary: Minimum wage

HISTORY OF LEGISLATIVE ACTIONS

     Date      Body   Action Description with journal page number
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  12/10/2013  House   Prefiled
  12/10/2013  House   Referred to Committee on Labor, Commerce and Industry
   1/14/2014  House   Introduced and read first time (House Journal-page 61)
   1/14/2014  House   Referred to Committee on Labor, Commerce and Industry 
                        (House Journal-page 61)
    4/1/2014  House   Member(s) request name added as sponsor: R.L.Brown, 
                        Whipper



A BILL

TO AMEND THE CODE OF LAWS OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 1976, BY ADDING SECTION 41-10-35 SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT THE MINIMUM WAGE IN THIS STATE IS THE GREATER VALUE OF EITHER TEN DOLLARS OR THE MINIMUM WAGE SET BY THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT; TO AMEND SECTION 6-1-130, RELATING TO THE SCOPE OF AUTHORITY TO SET MINIMUM WAGE, SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT A POLITICAL SUBDIVISION OF THIS STATE MAY NOT REQUIRE A MINIMUM WAGE THAT EXCEEDS THE ONE PROVIDED IN SECTION 41-10-35; TO AMEND SECTION 44-22-160, RELATING TO THERAPEUTIC PATIENT EMPLOYMENT, SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT A PATIENT EMPLOYEE MUST BE PAID THE MINIMUM WAGE PROVIDED IN SECTION 41-10-35; AND TO AMEND SECTIONS 53-1-100 AND 53-1-110, RELATING TO SUNDAY WORK IN MACHINE SHOPS AND SUNDAY WORK IN MANUFACTURING OR FINISHING OF TEXTILE PRODUCTS, RESPECTIVELY, BOTH SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT SUNDAY WORK MUST BE COMPENSATED AT A RATE NO LESS THAN THE MINIMUM WAGE PROVIDED IN SECTION 41-10-35.

Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina:

SECTION    1.    Chapter 10, Title 41 of the 1976 Code is amended by adding:

“Section 41-10-35.        An employer shall pay to an employee who performs any work, wages of at least ten dollars per hour or the minimum wage provided in Section 6 of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, 29 U.S.C. 206, whichever is greater.”

SECTION    2.    Section 6-1-130(B) of the 1976 Code is amended to read:

“(B)    A political subdivision of this State may not establish, mandate, or otherwise require a minimum wage rate that exceeds the federal minimum wage rate set forth in Section 6 of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, 29 U.S.C. 206 Section 41-10-35. Also, a political subdivision of this State may not establish, mandate, or otherwise require a minimum wage rate related to employee wages that are exempt under 29 U.S.C. 201 et seq., the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938.”

SECTION    3.    Section 44-22-160(A) of the 1976 Code is amended to read:

“(A)    Each A patient may refuse nontherapeutic employment within the facility. The department shall establish policies and guidelines to determine what constitutes therapeutic employment. The record and justification of each a patient’s employment must be sent immediately to the attending physician for review and entered into the patient’s record. Patient employment must be compensated in accordance with the Fair Labor Standards Act, except that a patient employee shall receive no less than the minimum wage provided in Section 41-10-35.”

SECTION    4.    Section 53-1-100 of the 1976 Code is amended to read:

“Section 53-3-100.    Notwithstanding any other another provision of law, the operation of machine shops and rubber molding and plastic injection molding facilities shall must be exempt from the provisions of this chapter. No person shall may be required to work on Sunday who is conscientiously opposed to Sunday work. If any person refuses to work on Sunday because of conscientious or physical objections, he shall does not jeopardize his seniority rights by such refusal or and may not be discriminated against in any manner. Sunday work shall must be compensated at a rate no less than that required by the Fair Labor Standards Act Section 41-10-35.”

SECTION    5.    Section 53-1-110 of the 1976 Code is amended to read:

“Section 53-1-110.    Notwithstanding any other another provision of law, the manufacture and finishing of textile products shall be are exempt from the provisions of Chapter 1, Title 53, as amended. Provided, however, that no person shall may be required to work on Sunday who is conscientiously opposed to Sunday work. If any a person refuses to work on Sunday because of conscientious or physical objections, he shall does not jeopardize his seniority rights by such refusal or and may not be discriminated against in any manner. Sunday work shall must be compensated at a rate no less than that required by the Fair Labor Standards Act Section 41-10-35.”

SECTION    6.    This act takes effect upon approval by the Governor.

 

Forty Six Blue Report will bring you Legislative updates on H. 4400

 

 

 

 

Senator Kimpson Files Affordable Housing Legislation

housing.jpg 2

by Raphael James

 

CHARLESTON COUNTY, SC (WCSC) –

State senator from Charleston Marlon Kimpson is expected to file a bill Tuesday aimed at making housing across the state more affordable.

Kimpson says the the average price for a house is $235,000.

At the peak of the 2007 housing market, the average cost of a home was closer to $210,000.

Kimpson’s plan calls for home builders to bear the cost.

He proposes an increase to building fees to fund affordable housing programs.

Additionally, it would allow for combining a low income housing tax state and federal credit and increase the state’s documentary stamp tax to generate additional money for the housing programs.

 

 



affordable housing

 

 

By Senator Marlon Kimpson

Folks Senator Kimpson drafted the legislation with input and collaboration from Charleston City Council. The bills include:

  • Authorizing local governments to increase the fees associated with building permits by 10% and requiring those increased fees to be used for affordable housing programs;
  • Authorizing a low income housing state credit to be combined with the federal tax credit for low income housing in an effort to maximize housing assistance programs; and
  • Increasing the state’s current documentary stamp tax by twenty cents, split equally between the South Carolina State Housing Finance and Development Authority and local and regional housing trust funds to be used for affordable housing programs.

“Ethic and socio-economic diversity in our cities is important. It’s what makes us culturally significant. The time is now to address this issue before more working-class families are displaced by the sharp rise in housing prices,” said Kimpson.

INCREASING BUILDING FEES
TO AMEND CHAPTER 1, TITLE 4 OF THE 1976 CODE RELATING TO COUNTIES BY ADDING SECTION 4-1-160 TO ALLOW COUNTY GOVERNMENTS TO INCREASE BUILDING FEES UP TO TEN PERCENT AND REQUIRING COUNTY GOVERNMENT USE THE MONEY FROM THE INCREASE FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING PROGRAMS; AND TO AMEND SECTION 5-25-310 OF THE 1976 CODE TO ALLOW MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS TO INCREASE BUILDING PERMIT FEES UP TO TEN PERCENT AND REQUIRING THE MUNICIPALITY TO USE THE MONEY COLLECTED FROM THE INCREASE TOWARDS AFFORDABLE HOUSING PROGRAMS.

COMBINING STATE AND FEDERAL TAX CREDIT
A BILL TO AMEND TO AMEND ARTICLE 25, CHAPTER 6, TITLE 12 OF THE 1976 CODE RELATING TO TAX CREDITS TO CREATE SECTION 12-6-3800 TO ALLOW FOR A TAX PAYER ELIGIBLE FOR A FEDERAL LOW-INCOME HOUSING TAX CREDIT TO CLAIM A LOW-INCOME STATE TAX CREDIT IN AN AMOUNT EQUAL TO THE FEDERAL TAX CREDIT.

INCREASING DOCUMENTARY STAMP TAX
A BILL TO AMEND SECTION 12-24-10(A) OF THE 1976 CODE RELATING TO DEED RECORDING FEES TO ALLOW AN INCREASE IN THE DEED RECORDING FEE BY TWENTY CENTS AND TO REQUIRE TEN CENTS OF THE INCREASE TO GO TO THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE HOUSING FINANCE AND DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY AND TEN CENTS GOING TO LOCAL AND REGIONAL HOUSING TRUST FUNDS FOR USE TOWARDS AFFORDABLE HOUSING.

Folks stay tuned to Forty Six Blue Report for updates from Bridget Birchett Tripp

Policy Research Advocate.

Addressing the Pothole State’s Magic Carpets

Road_bridges_in_Durban

Senator McElveen (D) Senate District 35-“Many state senators have been talking about our infrastructure needs and pushing for a real debate on how we will fix roads in South Carolina for MUCH longer than just this past week. Prior votes for setting a roads bill on “special order” which would give it priority on the SC Senate’s calendar for debate don’t lie if you want to know where the Senate’s “priorities” are.

If and when we finally get to this critical debate on the Senate floor, the bill will likely be amended and it will probably change significantly. But the fix to our crumbling infrastructure needs to be done in a responsible way that works for EVERYONE, and to accomplish that it must work for the varied regional transportation needs of the different areas in this state.

If we do not adopt and pass a restructuring model that takes regional needs into account, then we will just be embracing the status quo – which has not worked for counties like the ones I represent.”

 

Sumter Item Posted Sunday, February 7, 2016 6:00 am

Same old, same old. That summarizes what is going on in the SC. Senate as it piddles around with the most pressing item on its calendar, that being the state’s dysfunctional road system that in many locales resembles what would appear to visitors to be something found in developing nations.

Welcome to South Carolina, folks, and enjoy your ride on the pothole state’s magic carpets. Every county in the state- including Sumter, Clarendon and Lee – is suffering from the malaise infecting the roads we drive on.

The last we heard, state senators spent hours on Thursday arguing over their inability to officially debate the issue. If this is what passes for progress, then we’re in big trouble.

Senate Majority Leader Harvey Peeler expressed his frustration when he said, “I have absolutely lost my patience when it comes to the infrastructure debate we are not having.”

Our sentiments exactly, Senator.

Here’s another wrinkle in the lack of progress on roads: Gov. Nikki Haley isn’t helping matters by pledging to veto any legislation that increases gas taxes unless it also drastically cuts income taxes and restructures the Department of Transportation.

Fortunately, Sumter Sen. Thomas McElveen has been on top of the restructuring issue by pushing through the Senate last week a bill that would reorganize the DOT Commission through redistricting that increases the number of commissioners from seven to nine and an at-large member appointed by the governor with each regional council of governments district constituting a DOT district, thus doing away with the present unwieldy boundaries based on congressional districts.

The COGS would thus have more say-so in the process by selecting three nominees who must be residents of each district, one of which would be appointed by the governor with the advice and consent of the Senate. McElveen’s championing of this legislation bodes well for bringing more fairness into the process of allocating transportation funds that can surely benefit Sumter, Clarendon, Lee and Kershaw counties in the years to come and make our roads a pleasure to drive on and not an obstacle course. It appears that help is on the way.

Thanks to Sen. McElveen for taking the lead on a vital issue that must be addressed by the Legislature and soon.

A Chilling Super Bowl Commercial Will Air During the Super Bowl

 

 

NFL Domestic Violence

In South Carolina the House voted 81-23 to accept the Senate’s compromise version of the S. 3 bill May 28, 2015.

The bill largely changes the way criminal domestic violence offenders are punished in South Carolina. But perhaps the biggest change is a lifetime gun ban for offenders convicted of the worst offenses. Lesser offenses receive three-year or 10-year bans.

Folks Attorney General Alan Wilson applauded the General Assembly for its work on the bill. “While this problem won’t be overcome with legislation alone, South Carolina has taken its first giant in the long journey to changing the culture of violence,” Wilson said.

Thank you to the NFL for supporting the Movement to stop Domestic Violence.

NFL personla

 

2016 States Most Dependent On The Gun Industry

gun-laws

by  by Richie Bernardo

As mass shootings and police-brutality incidents spawn a constant stream of headlines, the American right to bear arms has grown to become one of the hardest conversations of our time. But the impact of guns on the nation’s coffers is another matter of debate.

On one side of the coin, the gun industry plays an important role in the U.S. economy. By oneestimate, firearms and ammunitions contributed a total of nearly $43 billion to the economy in 2014. That figure accounts for more than 263,000 jobs that paid $13.7 billion in total wages, according to the report from the National Shooting Sports Foundation. In the same year, federal and state governments collected from the industry more than $5.79 billion in business taxes, plus an additional $863.7 million in federal excise duties.

But the losses from gun violence certainly put those gains in perspective. A recent analysis by Mother Jones estimated the cost of fatal and nonfatal gun violence at $229 billion in 2012. According to the authors of the report, that toll “would have been $47 billion more than Apple’s 2014 worldwide revenue and $88 billion more than what the US government budgeted for education that year.”

In light of the recent changes to state gun legislations and President Barack Obama’s executive orders on gun control, WalletHub’s analysts took a closer look at the arms and ammunitions industry in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia to determine which among them depends most on gun business both directly for jobs and political contributions and indirectly through firearm ownership. Scroll down for the results, additional expert commentary and our detailed methodology.

Overall Rank

State

Total Score

‘Firearms Industry’ Rank

‘Gun Prevalence’ Rank

‘Gun Politics’ Rank

1 Idaho 70.57 2 8 4
2 Alaska 66.61 24 2 1
3 Montana 65.34 5 5 5
4 South Dakota 61.36 8 12 2
5 Arkansas 59.90 6 7 19
6 Wyoming 59.35 19 6 3
7 New Hampshire 55.14 1 38 43
8 Minnesota 54.31 4 16 29
9 Kentucky 54.24 38 1 8
10 Alabama 51.09 41 3 11
11 North Dakota 48.40 32 10 7
12 West Virginia 48.20 49 4 22
13 Mississippi 48.15 11 15 30
14 Utah 46.06 14 20 13
15 Indiana 45.50 43 9 26
16 Oregon 45.29 7 33 35
17 Colorado 44.26 12 18 37
18 South Carolina 43.88 26 17 17
19 Kansas 43.53 17 26 6
20 Connecticut 43.43 3 41 47
21 Tennessee 42.58 39 13 24
22 Louisiana 42.36 45 14 15
23 Missouri 41.80 21 21 18
24 Wisconsin 40.54 16 23 36
25 Vermont 40.52 13 36 31
26 Nebraska 40.45 10 44 14
27 New Mexico 39.90 50 11 23
28 Texas 39.53 34 24 16
29 Oklahoma 39.52 48 19 9
30 Illinois 39.47 18 22 40
31 Iowa 39.46 23 32 12
32 Arizona 39.39 20 34 20
33 Nevada 37.22 47 25 10
34 Pennsylvania 37.19 36 28 25
35 Florida 36.40 33 27 34
36 Georgia 36.30 37 31 28
37 North Carolina 36.02 22 37 32
38 Massachusetts 36.01 9 45 41
39 Virginia 35.88 35 35 27
40 Ohio 33.43 40 42 21
41 District of Columbia 33.37 15 47 33
42 Washington 33.18 31 29 48
43 Hawaii 32.88 46 30 38
44 Maine 32.83 27 40 46
45 Michigan 31.43 25 39 49
46 California 29.85 28 43 44
47 Maryland 26.12 44 46 42
48 New York 24.10 29 49 45
49 New Jersey 22.83 42 50 39
50 Rhode Island 19.55 30 51 50
51 Delaware 6.28 51 48 51